Orde baru zaman suharto biography
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1This book is a substantial contribution, in Indo-nesian, to our knowledge of change in culture and the arts in Indonesia. It gathers various points of view, coming from many different Indonesian artists and scholars. Indeed, a hundred of them were asked, by mail, to comment on the question of change in the arts since 1945: How did change occur? They were expected to reflect on changes in contents, performance contexts, and technology; in the audience’s demands and responses; in the economy of the arts; in official and unofficial constraints (government regulations, censorship, ...). The book gathers 58 testimonies, drawn from either written papers (38) or interviews (20).
2The idea for this book was Philip Yampolsky’s. A Ford Foundation program officer from 2000 to 2006, and an ethnomusicologist in Indonesia since the 1970s, Yampolsky is the author, with Indo-nesian colleagues, of the excellent series Traditional Music of Indonesia.1 The Ford Foundation in Jakarta, since 1953, has had a program for Indonesian arts, awarding grants or loans to build up knowledge and support organizations and networks, seeking to promote the arts and the media as important elements in the development of the communities and societies in which they function and, ultimately, aiming to strengthen democratic values, prop up international cooper-ation, and advance human achievement. The present book is one of the many contributions, over the years, of the Ford Foundation to Indonesian arts.
3Divided into five sections—theater and film, visual arts, music and dance, literature, and artistic and literary criticism (pemerhati dan budayawan, lit., “observers and actors of culture”)—the book gives room to the artists’ various responses in each of these fields.
4The historical backdrop is set up in the introduction. Since 1945, the political context has changed radically. Indonesia became a republic, free from Dutch rule. Its first president, Sukarno, tried to develop the ar
Suharto
President of Indonesia from 1967 to 1998
In this Indonesian name, there is no family name nor a patronymic.
Suharto (8 June 1921 – 27 January 2008) was an Indonesian military officer and politician, who served as the second and longest serving president of Indonesia.
Suharto's presidency and legacy are highly divisive. Widely regarded as a military dictator by international observers, Suharto led Indonesia as an authoritarian regime from 1967 until his resignation in 1998 following nationwide unrest. His 31-year rule over Indonesia is considered one of the most controversial in the 20th century due to allegations of corruption and his government's central role to the perpetration of mass killings against communists early in his rule and subsequent discrimination of ethnic Chinese Indonesians, irreligious people, and trade unionists. However, he has been praised for making Indonesia into an economic success story, bringing stability to the region particularly during the Cold War period, and led Indonesia when it played a significant role in international affairs.
Suharto was born in Kemusuk, near the city of Yogyakarta, during the Dutch colonial era. He grew up in humble circumstances. His Javanese Muslim parents divorced not long after his birth, and he lived with foster parents for much of his childhood. During the Japanese occupation, Suharto served in the Japanese-organized Indonesian security forces. During Indonesia's independence struggle, he joined the newly formed Indonesian Army and rose to the rank of major general some time after full Indonesian independence was achieved. An attempted coup on 30 September and 1 October 1965 was countered by Suharto-led troops. The army subsequently led a nationwide violent anti-communist purge and Suharto wrested power from Indonesia's founding 1966–1998 period of rule by Suharto The New Order (Indonesian: Orde Baru, abbreviated Orba) describes the regime of the second Indonesian President Suharto from his rise to power in 1966 until his resignation in 1998. Suharto coined the term upon his accession and used it to contrast his presidency with that of his predecessor Sukarno (retroactively dubbed the "Old Order" or Orde Lama). Immediately following the attempted coup in 1965, the political situation was uncertain, and Suharto's New Order found much popular support from groups wanting a separation from Indonesia's problems since its independence. The 'generation of 66' (Angkatan 66) epitomised talk of a new group of young leaders and new intellectual thought. Following Indonesia's communal and political conflicts, and its economic collapse and social breakdown of the late 1950s through to the mid-1960s, the "New Order" was committed to achieving and maintaining political order, economic development, and the removal of mass participation in the political process. The features of the "New Order" established from the late 1960s were thus a strong political role for the military, the bureaucratisation and corporatisation of political and societal organisations, and selective but brutal repression of opponents. Strident anti-communist, anti-socialist, and anti-Islamist doctrine remained a hallmark of the presidency for its subsequent 30 years. Within a few years, however, many of its original allies had become indifferent or averse to the New Order, which comprised a military faction supported by a narrow civilian group. Among most members of the pro-democracy movement that forced Suharto to resign in the May 1998 riots and then gained power, the term "New Order" has come to be used pejoratively. It is frequently employed to describe figures who were either tied to the Suharto period, or who upheld the practises of his authoritarian administration, such as corruption, c .New Order (Indonesia)