Sikota wina biography samples

GENDER and Child Development Minister Inonge Wina has extolled her late husband Arthur Wina, describing him as a selfless man who was dedicated to duty.

Ms Wina described her late husband during the Arthur Wina Day at Arthur Wina Primary School in Lusaka yesterday as idealistic, principled, courageous, caring and honest.

“In our family, we have a family motto which is so that we may be of service and for Arthur Wina the call to serve was always stuck at his heart. He cared deeply for the people, especially the rural poor. He also understood their needs on firsthand experience in spite of his international exposure,” she said.

Ms Wina said in politics, Mr Wina was idealistic and a humble politician whose intellectual power and deep appreciation for the political well being of society was at times misunderstood.

“In politics, Arthur Wina hated the pursuit of selfish advantage. He tried to be above connivance and political scheming that is why as a leader of MMD, he lost the presidency at the primary election of February 1991. He strived to work and maintain principles for the general good,” she said.

Ms Wina also commended Arthur Wina Primary School’s first headteacher Roy Mwaba, who is also Zambia Congress of Trade Unions, general secretary, for being instrumental in coming up with the name of the school in honour of the late politician.

She also urged the pupils to take education seriously if they wanted to get to higher heights besides imploring the school management to ensure that the girl child was encouraged to go beyond Grade Nine.

Veteran politician and Freedom Fighter, Sikota Wina, who is the brother to the late Mr Wina, described his brother as an “extremely interesting man” who sacrificed a lot for the benefit of the country.

“It was the same man who when he went to California for his PHD he had only about two or three months more remainin

In order to strengthen their hold on political and economic power, the white settlers of British-controlled Northern Rhodesia sought to unite the British colonial territories of Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland during the late 1930s and 1940s.  This was a response to the growing strength of African organizations (e.g. labor unions) in Northern Rhodesia, a development that prompted white European fears of African social and economic advance.  In addition, the white minority of Northern Rhodesia feared the type of influence that black populist countries located north of Northern Rhodesia (e.g. the Belgian Congo and countries in East Africa) might have on white-ruled Northern Rhodesia.  Thus, in order to maintain their political influence and economic power over the black majority of Northern Rhodesia, white settlers endeavored to strengthen their ties with white-controlled southern Africa by forming the Central African Federation. 

However, black Africans in Northern Rhodesia protested against the prospect of such an amalgamation. Africans in Northern Rhodesia became increasingly afraid of losing land to the Europeans, and in terms of political representation, land ownership, trade union power, and pass-law control, Africans in Southern Rhodesia were less well off than in Northern Rhodesia. 

In order to address this issue, black Africans of Northern Rhodesia sought the aid of local tribal chiefs, who were the traditional trustees of tribal land.  In 1944, a senior Bemba chief argued against federation in the Northern Provincial Council in order to address his people’s concerns, and increasing numbers of chiefs began to speak out against amalgamation.  In addition to the tribal chiefs, the clerks and teachers who sat in the African Representative Council called for the formation of an expressly political body that could better organize for political action against the white settlers.  This led to the cre

Sishuwa, Sishuwa. "3. Constructing a Power Base in a Dominant Ruling Party". Party Politics and Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata and Political Change, 1955–2014, Boydell and Brewer: Boydell and Brewer, 2024, pp. 93-134. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781805432937-008

Sishuwa, S. (2024). 3. Constructing a Power Base in a Dominant Ruling Party. In Party Politics and Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata and Political Change, 1955–2014 (pp. 93-134). Boydell and Brewer: Boydell and Brewer. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781805432937-008

Sishuwa, S. 2024. 3. Constructing a Power Base in a Dominant Ruling Party. Party Politics and Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata and Political Change, 1955–2014. Boydell and Brewer: Boydell and Brewer, pp. 93-134. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781805432937-008

Sishuwa, Sishuwa. "3. Constructing a Power Base in a Dominant Ruling Party" In Party Politics and Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata and Political Change, 1955–2014, 93-134. Boydell and Brewer: Boydell and Brewer, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781805432937-008

Sishuwa S. 3. Constructing a Power Base in a Dominant Ruling Party. In: Party Politics and Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata and Political Change, 1955–2014. Boydell and Brewer: Boydell and Brewer; 2024. p.93-134. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781805432937-008

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As the body of Pope John Paul II layout in St. Peters and a million mourners filed past, theologians predicted that among the more immediate questions which would face the new Pope was that of clerical celibacy, amidst demands for the rule banning priests from marrying to be dropped.

And this month Archbishop Emmanuel Milingo, who married in the Reverend Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church in 2001 but later returned to the fold, appeared in Washington and held a surprise news conference announcing his intention to persuade the Vatican to allow priests to marry.

Archbishop Milingo commands a special place in the hearts of the Zambian people. Born 13 June, 1930 in a village in Chief Mpezeni's area in the Eastern Province, he came from a Catholic family and herded cattle in his childhood.

He went to a Presbytery school at St. Mary's in Chipata, then to Casina Dedsa in Malawi and was finally ordained as a priest in 1958 and posted to Minga Mission. He was later to advance his studies at uiversities in Italy and Ireland, rising to the position of Archbishop of Lusaka in 1969.

Then one night in 1973 as he prayed, he heard a voice telling him to go and preach the gospel and pray for the sick. Thus began the healing sessions which he always conducted during the celebration of Mass.

Besides faith healing and exorcism sessions, he admits having stubbornly formed a habit of including elements more connected to the local Zambian traditional culture in the liturgical celebrations, a development that the Catholic Church at the time was not pleased with.

He started to introduce drumming and dancing during Mass for the offertory procession and translated most parts of Mass, including music, into local languages.

Other priests within his diocese started writing protest letters to Rome and fearing that he might cause a split in the Church, he was whisked of to Rome where he encountered the same problem as he was practically forbidden to celebrate Mass